Prime Minister Stephen Harper put Canada’s proposed combat military mission in Iraq to a vote on Tuesday, with 157 MPs voting for it and 134 against.
Recent polls have suggested that Canadians slightly favour the bombing mission to confront the threat posed by the extremist organization, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. It comes as no surprise that Canadians want to help and “do something.”
But Harper’s plan to send Canadian warplanes to join the U.S.-led coalition’s bombing of Iraq might just make matters worse.
Harper and his allies are underestimating their opponents as a bunch of religious extremists bent on spreading wanton mayhem and terror. ISIL might be brutally ruthless, but they know exactly what they are doing.
Their core is made up of seasoned, motivated fighters and an extremely experienced leadership that go back to the “dirty war” waged by the American and British Special Forces in Iraq between 2006 and 2009.
ISIL is playing a strategic game of chess with its every move, while the West is playing military tic-tac-toe.
ISIL is not just a military organization, it is a political movement with a well-thought-out ideology, however abhorrent it may be to the West. It governs the huge areas it controls in Iraq and Syria. Ruthless in eliminating any potential opponents, it also provides electricity, food and other vital services for ordinary people in the areas it controls.
That is why American air strikes against ISIL recently targeted not only oil and gas facilities, but also grain elevators — a highly problematic course of action in both legal and humanitarian terms, particularly if the conflict is to be a long one.
To date, Western military action has been disastrously counterproductive.
Harper says “we” are not responsible for the chaos in Libya. Yet it is absolutely clear that the NATO-led military victory in Libya was a pyrrhic one that paved the way for the civil war that followed.
We have to remember how we got to this point. Time and again in the past, we have chosen war over negotiations.
Look at the lessons of Libya. Had we not exceeded the UN mandate in Libya (which excluded regime change), we could have negotiated a power-sharing deal with Gadhafi that would have promoted incremental democratic reform and not left a power vacuum to be filled by extremists, including ISIL.
The same lesson can be learned from Syria. Had the West not insisted on Assad’s immediate departure and refused to allow Iran a seat at the table, Kofi Annan’s power-sharing arrangement within a transitional government would have paved the way for incremental democratic reforms in Syria and, once again, would have left much less room for extremists such as ISIL to operate.
A UN mandate privileging inclusive governance and democratic reforms in concert with robust military support has been central to recent progress in Somalia and Mali. A UN mandate is also possible for effective intervention in Iraq and Syria if all necessary players, including Russia and Iran, are brought fully into the negotiations, and Turkey, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states are at the core of the political strategy, not just token participants.
A comprehensive, broadly supported and UN-mandated approach is long overdue in the heretofore disastrously counterproductive war on terror. Let this enlightened approach be the basis for Canadian action in Iraq and Syria.
Peggy Mason is Canada’s former UN ambassador for disarmament and adviser to then-external affairs minister Joe Clark. She is now the president of the Rideau Institute on International Affairs.
