It appears the provincial NDP has a mole in its ranks. Someone is leaking portions of the party’s election strategy to the B.C. Liberals. The most recent set of smuggled documents concerned an upcoming announcement on climate action. The material presented to the Liberals included speaking notes for NDP Leader John Horgan, talking points for him to use in debates and a summary of how the party intended to upstage the B.C. Liberals by pursuing a more aggressive climate policy.
The premier’s office released the documents ahead of Horgan’s planned statement, no doubt causing glee in the Liberal camp, and dismay in NDP circles.
Nor is this an isolated instance. Before Horgan could announce his party’s intent to ban grizzly-bear hunting, this, too, was forwarded to Premier Christy Clark’s team, again allowing the Liberals to embarrass their opponents.
And perhaps more serious, records from NDP provincial-council meetings have also been sent to the Liberals.
Documents dealing with upcoming announcements often pass through external hands, such as printing shops and advertising agencies. But notes taken at provincial council meetings most likely come from an inside source, and someone fairly senior.
By some accounts, the leaks reflect poorly on Horgan’s leadership. After all, if he can’t preserve loyalty within his own ranks, what chance does he have of convincing the public of his merits?
We don’t buy it. NDP caucuses are famously fractious. There’s always someone whose nose is out of joint. Why should this reflect on Horgan?
The sad truth is, leaks have become a standard feature of modern politics. Part of the explanation lies in the vulnerability of digital communications.
The U.S. Democratic Party complained it lost the recent presidential election because the Russian government hacked its computers.
The provincial Liberals themselves have just as often fallen victim. This week, Clark accused the NDP of hacking a Liberal website, but offered no proof.
The party’s 2013 plan to attract ethnic voters by offering apologies for past wrongs was leaked in the run-up to that year’s election. Judging by the outcome, it did no serious harm.
In 2009, cabinet documents containing inside information on the upcoming sale of B.C. Rail’s freight division were leaked by two Liberal aides, Dave Basi and Bob Virk. Again, the government appeared to suffer no lasting political damage.
It remains to be seen whether disclosures of the sort currently plaguing the NDP will hurt in May’s election. However, it seems unlikely.
The truly harmful tip-offs are those that reveal shady or illegal behaviour by ministers and MLAs. There’s no suggestion of that here.
Indeed, it could be argued, as Horgan has, that the leaks generated more publicity than might otherwise have occurred.
Of course, the broader question is how to put a stop to this sort of thing. Obviously, the evidence of a spy in the ranks is unsettling. It’s hard to forge ahead when you’re looking over your shoulder all the time.
Yet carrying on regardless might be the only practical option. Mole hunts rarely produce results. Over the years, several federal and provincial finance ministries have suffered budget leaks.
In some instances, the police were called in. Private investigators have also been tried. But it’s hard to recall anyone being caught by such means.
Moreover, tighter security is a double-edged sword. Yes, it might cut down on spying, but it also curtails the flow of information.
Voters are entitled to know what’s happening in government, and politicians must stay in touch with their constituents.
What Horgan needs to do is come up with a platform broad enough to attract not just the party faithful, but undecided voters. He can worry later about the rat in his cellar.
